Religion and Spirituality in Student Life1

Religion and Spirituality in Student Life1

Sherwood, Tom

2012“Religion and Spirituality in Student Life”

Chapter 3 (pages 69-86) in:

Kerry, Trevor (ed.)

2012International Perspectives on Higher Education

Continuum, London.

CHAPTER 3 Religion and Spirituality in Student Life

“Any discussion about the place of religion in the

American university is fraught with much confusion”

(Stendahl, 1963: 521).

Part One – The Situation

Nearly 50 years later, Stendahl’s statement continues to be true in western institutions of higher education, not only in the United States, but in Europe and around the world.

To the surprise of some educators, religion and spirituality have not disappeared from university life in the 21st century. In fact, chaplains and campus ministries have become more important in this generation, especially since 9/11. Many universities have increased support for chaplaincy, appointed new chaplains from more religious traditions, and established multifaith centres to support and enrich the student experience. These moves are sometimes understood to be recruitment and retention strategies.

Recent research indicates that the change is more complex than twentieth-century theories of secularization anticipated. In global society, it is an era of both secularization and fundamentalism, of both decline in religious participation rates and an increase in spiritual searching and expression. It is a time to say, “All generalizations are wrong, including this one.”

What happened to secularization? For one thing, it has had too many definitions. The term is used to describe the decline of religious participation, the decline of religious influence in society, the separation of religion from public life, and the loss of a sense of the numinous. These are related phenomena, but distinct. Some theorists suggest that the observed trends do not constitute decline as much as a transformation in the expression of human spirituality. Peter L. Berger has even speculated that there is now a process of “de-secularization” (1999).

At the 2007 Conference of European University Chaplains, Erik Borgman of Tilburg University suggested “it is probably more adequate to say that modernity has both secularizing and religionizing tendencies.” And because universities deal with young, modern human populations, they have to deal with that contradictory fact. Many educators and administrators appreciate the religious professionals – “chaplains” – who help them to do so.

There are very practical reasons for this. Recent research indicates that religion and spirituality are not only important to contemporary young adults, they may also be related to their well-being and success in higher education.

“Cultivating the Spirit” (Astin, Astin and Lindhom, 2011) is the report of a large scale longitudinal study of American college and university students (N=112,000 in 236 institutions in 2003; N=14,527 in a 2007 follow-up). The study found strong positive relationships between indicators of spiritual growth and several variables important to higher education: measures of academic performance, psychological well-being, leadership development, and satisfaction with the institution. They also found a significant gap in the world views of the teaching faculty and the student population seeking to learn from them: faculty scored higher in measures of religiosity, lower in measures of spirituality; student scores were the reverse.

The modern distinction between religion and spirituality began to develop about 50 years ago (Zinnbauer et al., 1997). Although spirituality had been an accepted part of each world religion historically, the “new spirituality” of the 20th century was a problem for religious authorities who sought to maintain control and orthodoxy in a rapidly changing world. As Sandra Schnieders observed in 1989:

The term ‘spirituality’ often carried pejorative connotations; it came to

be associated with questionable enthusiasms or even heretical forms of

spiritual practice in contrast to ‘devotion,’ which places a proper emphasis

on sobriety and human effort (Schnieders, 1989: 681).

A 1997 study of people who described themselves as “SBNR” – “spiritual but not religious” – found that subjects associated “religious” with orthodox beliefs and high participation in institutional worship, and “spiritual” with experimentation, interest in mysticism and negative attitudes toward both clergy and religious organizations (Fuller, 2001: 6). Fuller’s major work was followed by many specific studies internationally, some quite well done (Rao et al., 2006; Saucier & Skrzypinska, 2006; Chandler, 2008); but the research efforts have not summed to a coherent whole, because there was no consistency in defining the terms.

The definitions are still not clear, but generally, spirituality is seen as more individual and subjective, religion more relational and institutional (Heelas, 2002). For example, Astin and his colleagues used Likert Scales of frequency and intensity with such operational definitions of “being religious” as the following:

I believe in God.

I pray.

I attend religious services.

I follow religious teachings in everyday life.

Some of the indicators of “being spiritual” were:

I believe in the sacredness of life.

I have discussions about the meaning of life with friends.

I search for the meaning/purpose of life.

Relating the SBNR phenomenon to theories of secularization as either decline or transformation,

David Tacey in Australia and Marler and Hadaway in the United States suggest spirituality may be what remains when institutional religion loses influence and experiences lower participation rates (Tacey, 2000 & 2002; MarlerHadaway, 2002).

At the 2006 annual Conference of European University chaplains, the National Coordinator of University Chaplains in England and Wales, said:

Spirituality is an elusive term: it is at times vague and imprecise.

There are almost as many definitions of it as there are people… The

challenge for us as chaplains is to be respectful. We recognize that

when it comes to spirituality there is no one size that fits all… If we

are interested in the spiritual health or well-being of ourselves and

others we have to take time to listen to the story that individuals use

to make sense of where they are at any point of their lives (McCoy, 2006).

“Listening” is a verb common not only to counselling and chaplaincy, but also to the ethnographic research methods of cultural anthropology. “Listening to The Echo” is an ongoing national study of young adult spirituality in Canada, begun in 2009 (Sherwood, 2011).

The “Echo” referred to in this research is the cohort of young adults born after 1978, the children of the Baby Boomers who were born between 1945 and 1965 – the Echo from the Boom.

The culture of this age cohort is distinctly different in family life, school and the work place. Sociologists have needed to coin new terms to describe new social phenomena: the tethered generation, boomerang kids, helicopter parents. Different sociologists in different countries call them the Echo Generation, Emerging Adults, Adultolescents, the Millennial Generation, Generation Y, and the Net Generation. They are the first generation to use e-mail, instant messaging and cell phones since childhood and early adolescence. High school teachers have needed to develop new strategies in order to be effective. Universities are adjusting. Marketers are using new techniques to reach them. Employers are just beginning to experience their attitude toward work, and make adjustments. Political parties are wondering how to attract their support, and so are the traditional religious communities of their parents and grandparents. Mainline religious organizations might call them The Lost Generation, because they are not visible in the community life of institutional religion in the ways of their parents and grandparents.

Smith and Snell (2009) developed a typology of “Emerging Adults” (aged 18 to 30) in the United States according to their relationship to “Religion” – defined as traditional, institutional expressions of spirituality. Their study was based on a large enough national random sample (N=3290) to estimate the proportion of the U.S. population that fits into each type, as displayed below with a representative quotation:

1. Committed (traditional) 15%“I am really committed.”

2. Selective 30% “I do some of what I can.”

3. Spiritually Open15%“There’s probably something more out there.”

4. Religiously Indifferent25%“It just doesn’t matter much.”

5. Religiously Disconnected 5%“I really don’t know what you’re talking about.”

6. Irreligious10%“Religion just makes no sense.”

(Smith and Snell, 2009: 166-179).

This research is provocative as much for the questions it raises as for the ones it answers. Are these proportions shifting? If so, in what direction(s)? What would be analogous statistics for other countries?

The new Canadian research is coherent with recent findings in Western Europe, the United States and Australia, but has a particularly vivid flavor. It is derived from emails, text messages and GoogleTalk conversations, so the voice of the individual young adult can be heard. Even in the preliminary reports produced in 2011, a number of patterns emerge that are generally consistent with a postmodern worldview. What follows is a list of some of the stronger themes accompanied by quotations that illustrate the attitude or point of view. Each quotation is from a different undergraduate university student aged 18 to 24, collected between 2009 and 2011.

Individualism

“I do believe in a higher power of some sort, but no one can say for sure what it is because for each person it is different. Attempting to label this higher power takes away from its uniqueness to each individual person.”

Independence

“I’ve always respected my family’s devotion to religion and God, but have no interest in being personally involved.”

A sense of being empowered

“I believe I am in control of my spirit and destiny.”

A democratic, participatory attitude

“The beauty of spirituality is that anybody can engage in it, and it can help everybody in their own unique ways.”

The Self as the starting point and focus

“Ultimately, I believe that everybody needs something to believe in to live a happy life, even if it is a belief in one’s own self.”

A desire for control

“Religion does not define you. You define it.”

Parents should not determine their children’s religious lives

“Religion should not be forced on another person, or assumed by parents for their children. It should be entered into freely, based on personal beliefs.”

A negative view of institutional religion…

“Religion is more harmful than helpful.”

…at both the macro level (society)

“Although religion can bring people together, that does not outweigh all of the bad that has come from religion including wars, death, and justification of horrible things.”

… and the micro level (the individual)…

“Religion takes away personal choice and the will of a person.”

Cynicism about institutional religion

“Religion is a business. Parishioners have become commodities that each governing church body is vying for.”

And an association of religion with a pre-modern, pre-scientific worldview

“I don’t blame ancient humans for believing in God.”

(Sherwood, 2011).

Some of the young adults in the “Listening to The Echo” project are quite articulate in expressing their preference for being SBNR – “spiritual but not religious”. The following communication was from a young woman in her mid-20s, completing an undergraduate university program:

The idea of spirituality speaks more to me than organized religion does.

The idea of believing in something personal, rather than having someone

tell me what there is to believe in, makes me more inclined to being

spiritual rather than religious.

I respect the fact that, for many people, religion is a method of lifting their

spirit and bringing a sense of peace. I prefer to bring peace upon myself

through personal reflection. Reflecting upon my mistakes and learning

from them will make me a stronger, more intuitive person. Self- improvement

through personal exploration is what I strive to achieve.

Being a spiritual person means that I am aware of my actions and their effect

on myself and others. I take responsibility for my happiness; I do not feel the

need to attend a church service to put my spirit in a good place.

(Sherwood, 2011).

In fact, most of the statements collected in the Canadian research are as positive about the individual’s spiritual journey as they are negative about institutional religion. They are full of energy and hope, and they speak for a generation – or at least for some members of the Echo generation – who are living spiritual lives, committed to ethical engagement in their society, hoping to make a positive difference in the world.

One dissenting theme has emerged from the research, however. Follow-up with university graduates has given voice to people in their late-20s who completely respect their own decision to opt out of traditional, institutional religious practices, but who now feel the lack of spiritual community:

My own personal experience of the divine leaves me in an awkward situation:

believing in the existence of some kind of god but not having a group of other

people to share that experience with or even discuss it.

(Sherwood, 2011).

Tacey’s research in Australia is more than ten years old now, but it is still contemporary. “Danny” was 18 in 2001, “Matthew” 22, and “Beth” 19. They are all quoted in Chapter 5 of The Spirituality Revolution.

“Danny” sounds like Dietrich Bonhoeffer addressing the age of Christopher Hitchens:

I aspire to be a religionless Christian. I want to get back to the essence of

Christianity. For me ‘religion’ gets in the way of Christianity. I want us to

return to the simple message of the Gospel.

Traditional churches are now in a state very similar to the state of religion when

Jesus was alive: elitist, devoid of the Holy Spirit, hierarchical.

“Matthew” sounds a little like Jesus in conflict with the scribes and Pharisees, but even more like a contemporary version of the 16th-century Protestant Reformers:

In this age of ‘new spirituality’ we cast religion aside on the scrap heap

as an out-of-date, paternalistic and corrupt system controlled by out-of-touch

narrow-minded men. Thank God!

Throughout this time of transition, I do not think that many of us have lost our

faith in the idea of some kind of God. Rather, I think it is probably more that we

have wanted to redefine what God is, and what it means to us as individuals. The

task of the new spirituality is to fashion this new image of God.

“Beth” addresses the question of God’s identity and how God has been represented by the monotheisms of the 20th century:

God is certainly not dead; people are simply experiencing God in new ways

and seeing God differently. Perhaps religion has to be broken apart before

spirituality can be born. Perhaps the demise of religion is necessary before

we see a new development of spiritual awareness.

(Tacey, 2003: 75-91).

When older audiences hear these statements, some are reminded of the American comic, Lenny Bruce who would get a laugh in the early 1960s when he said, “Every day people are straying away from the church and going back to God.”

University chaplains are experienced in listening to young adults, and chaplains know that when students say that they don’t believe in God, this can lead to a rich conversation, learning about the God they don’t believe in. Very often the chaplain does not believe in that God either.

In summary then, the spiritual and religious landscape in higher education is a diverse mix of traditional religious beliefs and practices, new religious expression, and eclectic personal spirituality. Much is not known, in part because the change taking place is so dynamic and diverse, in part because new phenomena call for new theoretical thinking and research methods.

One thing is known to anyone with frontline experience in student advisory services: students do not leave their spirituality behind when they come to university or college. They do not hang it on a hook at the edge of campus, to be picked up again after class. If they are religious or spiritual people, they seek to express that dimension of their identity on campus. It may not be obvious in the classroom, but it is certainly part of their life in terms of relationships, emotions, hopes, values and personal decisions. They may not be religious in the ways that their parents and grandparents were. They may say quite clearly that they are not religious; but it is equally clear that they wrestle with the timeless existential questions, and they seek help as they do.

In this generation, the help they seek is often located in a chaplaincy or multifaith centre. It is often called “The Chaplain.”

Part Two – The Response

However, if the spiritual landscape on campus has been changing, so have religious and spiritual advisory services for students.

University chaplaincy, as we see it in contemporary developed societies around the world, can trace its history back to the religious origins of western universities. Before the differentiation of academic disciplines and professional functions into the modern forms we see today, religious activity and spiritual care were integral to life in the academy. The first universities were religious institutions themselves. Until perhaps 500 years ago in western Europe, “the door to the church (was) the door to professional life” (Rashdale, 1895: II, 696). It may be said that “the clergy profession is the oldest profession” (Sherwood, 1994). “Lawyers, physicians and civil servants were members of the ecclesiastical order who had assumed special functions” (Carr-Saunders and Wilson, 1933: 290). Religious ritual and chaplains were part of university life in the West as the first universities were established and developed.

The word “chaplain” itself comes from the concept of Christian clergy functioning in a special institutional setting, serving a community of people not defined by the local parish or neighbourhood church. The usual etymological explanation refers to St. Martin of Tours who offered his cape (“capella”) to a poorly clothed beggar. According to tradition, a piece of the cape became a relic which travelled around Europe in a tent. That tent became the first “chapel,” and the custodians of the relic it contained were called “chaplains.”

By the 15th century in Europe, a chapel was a private sanctuary in an institutional setting or the residence of an elite family. The clergy who served in such places were chaplains. And also by the 15th century, the university was one of those places. Who was the first university chaplain, and where? There could be many claims, depending on one’s definition of university; but clearly Cambridge University is one possibility. In 1256, a bequest to the university was given to provide “two chaplains for ever...” (Stokes, 1906)