Shareef, R. (1998). A midterm case study assessment of skill-based pay in the Virginia Department of Transportation. Review of Public Personnel Administration, 18(1), 5-22.

Abstract:

Interest in skill-based pay by public administration theorists and practitioners is increasing as this innovative pay system is

viewed as a viable means of enhancing employee skills and work motivation. Pioneered in private organizations, Ledford and

others have suggested that skill-based pay design and implementation determinants are now fairly settled. A case study

compares the outcomes of a skill-based pay intervention in a public agency with several of the determinants that are

predicted to ensure successful implementation and diffusion. The results of the study indicate that all 5 of the "principals"

measured were utilized in this fairly successful skill-based pay intervention. However, the results also indicate that

skill-based pay is only congruent with a participative work culture, and that this is probably the strongest variable in

determining skill-based pay success.

Interest in skilled-based pay by public administration theorists and practitioners is increasing as this innovative pay system is viewed as a viable means of enhancing employee skills and work motivation. Pioneered in private organizations, Ledford (1995) and others have suggested that skill-based pay design and implementation determinants are now fairly settled. This case study compares the outcomes of a skill-based pay intervention in a public agency with several of the determinants that are predicted to ensure successful implementation and diffusion. The results of the study indicate all five of the "principles"

measured were utilized in this fairly successful skill-based pay intervention. However, the results also indicate that skill-based pay is only congruent with a participative work culture, and that this is probably the strongest variable in determining skill-based pay success.

The issue of skill-based pay is a growing one in public administration. Perry and Kraemer (1993), in their background

paper for the Winter Commission, advocate using skill-based pay as an incentive to encourage employees to learn new

skills for the emerging, highly technological public workplace. Roberts (1994) calls for using this innovative pay system in

the "reinventing government" process. Shareef's (1994a) article offers a comprehensive overview of the motivational

bases, design, and implementation of skill-based pay in two public organizations. At the agency level, the state of

Virginia's Department of Transportation (VDOT) recently implemented a skill-based pay pilot program.

Skill-based pay's popularity in the private sector has increased significantly in recent years.1 Consequently, Ledford

(1995) suggests that specific design choices for implementing skill-based pay are now more easily identifiable.2 This

raises two important questions for public administration theorists and practitioners interested in this "new pay" concept3:

(a) what are these specific design issues, and (b) can these design issues be exported from the private sector for

implementation in public organizations?

The identification of these design issues is especially important since innovative change concepts that originate in the

private sector frequently receive harsh criticism from critically inclined public administration theorists. Terry, for example,

suggests that some of these innovations imported from the private sector undermine the "distinctive competence" of public

organizations (1990) and "encourage the abandonment of traditions" (1996). Likewise, Wamsley, Goodsell, Rohr,

Stivers, White, and Wolf (1987) have called some of these "importations" a "corrosive influence" on public sector

institutional life.

However, others (e.g., Shareef, 1994b) have concluded that underlying system problems encountered during

implementation, rather than the theoretical construct itself, contribute to the frequent failure of innovative change

techniques in public organizations. In a strategy designed to avoid these dysfunctions, Golembiewski (1989) has

suggested (in the area of participative management) that employee participation be implemented incrementally to reduce

substantially policy maker resistance.

The purpose of this article is twofold. First, several design principles for implementing skill-based pay in the public sector

are offered and discussed. These principles have been distilled from the theoretical and empirical literature on this pay

concept. Relatedly, a case study analysis of the design and implementation of skill-based pay in a public organization is

presented. This evaluation permits an opportunity to compare the findings in an actual public sector case against the

proposed design principles. Yin (1984) calls this type of inquiry an explanation-building case study. The outcomes of this

study can lead to recommendations for both policy actions and theory-building concerning skill-based pay design and

implementation.

This article is divided into four sections. First, an overview of skill-based pay is provided. Next, five design and

implementation principles are outlined. Third, a case study analysis of the implementation and diffusion of skill-based pay

in a public agency is presented. Finally, conclusions from the case study evaluation, and their implications for public

agencies considering this pay plan, are discussed.

What is Skill-Based Pay?

Typically, pay systems are based on the principle that people should be paid according to the worth of the jobs they do.

This means that traditional pay systems are based on an analysis and evaluation of the job the person does. As Lawler

and Ledford (1984, p. 12) state: "The job evaluation allows organizations to decide how much a particular job is worth

and, therefore, to decide the range of pay that an individual can receive for performing the job. This approach to pay is

so common and so well accepted that it is rarely challenged."

Ledford (1989, p. 1) defines skill-based pay by stating: "In skill-based pay systems, employees receive compensation for

the range, depth, and types of skills they possess. They are paid for the skills they are capable of using, not for the job

they are performing at a particular point in time. This is a fundamental departure from traditional job-based pay plans,

which pay employees for the jobs they hold." skillbased pay can be used in conjunction with pay-for-performance

schemes [e.g., merit pay, gainsharing, etc.] (Shafritz, Riccucci, Rosenbloom & Hyde, 1992) but does not include or

exclude the idea of paying for performance (Lawler, 1992).

Luthans and Fox (1989) identify several technical differences between different types of skill-based compensation plans.

One type of multi-skilled pay system utilizes self-managed teams. Here, a new employee is paid a starting rate when

hired and receives pay increases as he or she learns skills needed by the team. Another skillbased pay approach pays a

starting rate to new employees and increases occur for each new skill or job they learn. Conversely, knowledge-based

plans reward employees for acquiring additional knowledge within the same job category.

A skill-based pay plan usually begins with the identification of tasks and the skills needed to perform those tasks in the

organization. Employees volunteer to undergo the requisite training to learn the skill(s). Workers are paid only for those

skills which are needed by the organization and which they currently are willing to perform (Lawler and Ledford, 1984).

Motivational Bases

Shareef (1994a) identifies expectancy (Vroom,1964), equity (Adams,1965), and participation (McGregor, 1960; Likert,

1967) theories as the primary skill-based pay motivational bases. Schuster and Zingheim (1992, p. 107) summarize the

motivational bases of skill-based pay thusly: "Once the employee learns the skills, rewards are available because the

employee is more valuable to the organization and demonstrates the flexibility necessary to help the organization

prosper."

Advantages and Disadvantages

Employee flexibility is one of the most prominent features of skill-based pay since it allows employees to be moved

throughout the organization as needs arise. This flexibility permits the organization to use employees in a wide variety of

tasks without the burden of tightly written job descriptions that limit this flexibility. Because the nature of jobs and work

have dramatically changed, it is impossible to have written rules that anticipate the wide range of situations likely to arise.

Roberts (1994, p. 5) writes that: "Most public employees are professionals who must exercise judgment and discretion.

With more decentralized authority, those on the front lines, with the best knowledge, can solve their own problems; the

focus of accountability can shift from rule-following to performance and results."

Lawler (1995) found that employee flexibility tends to lead to lower staffing levels because employers often discover that

some jobs can be eliminated because two workers employed flexibly can do the work of three with fixed assignments.

Flexibility also tends to lead to less absenteeism and turnover because employees enjoy having the opportunity to be paid

for, and utilize, a wide range of skills.

Another advantage of skill-based pay is that it separates pay levels from levels in the hierarchy. When employees learn

both horizontal and vertical skills, new career tracks are developed that are not dependent on upward mobility. As public

organizations flatten their hierarchies (e.g., USPS), this feature of skill-based pay becomes particularly important since it

provides a "nonlinear" way for people to grow and succeed in their careers (Lawler, 1992).

Skill-based pay, as a participatory structure, meets public service normative standards. Many participative or

empowerment mechanisms introduced into public organizations are viewed as manipulative by employees (Peters, 1994).

However, a skillbased pay program implemented in a high involvement culture is clearly nonmanipulative since

involvement is strictly voluntary and employees explicitly define the exchange framework between pay, enhanced skills,

and performance.

Disadvantages attributable to skill-based pay include costs of employee training and productivity declines during the

training process. Roberts (1994) acknowledges that if skill-based pay is successfully implemented in public agencies,

employee training and education budgets have to be increased dramatically. This, of course, appears problematic in an

era of government retrenchment. Yet, Roberts (1994, p. 5) makes a compelling argument for an enlarged training budget:

Because governments are labor-intensive, their biggest asset is potential in human capital. This means investing in training

and development, as well as giving employees the incentives and rewards to challenge them to higher achievement. State

governments spend only a pittance on training, far below what businesses dedicate to human resource development. The

Winter Commission recommends a stable learning budget of at least 3 percent of total personnel costs.

Administrative costs increase because of skill certification and recertification procedures. Employee motivation can be

affected negatively by workers who "top out"-that is, who learn all the skills required and are no longer eligible for further

pay increases (Lawler, 1992). Luthans and Fox (1989) outlined several other concerns associated with employees

learning skills in one organization, leaving that organization, and utilizing the learned skills elsewhere.4

Private Sector Applications

Skill-based pay has been utilized primarily by private organizations, including firms such as General Electric, General

Motors, American Honda, and American Nissan (Lawler, 1992). In a study of Fortune 1000 companies, 53 percent

reported they planned to increase their use of skill-based pay while 45 percent replied they will continue their use at the

current rate (Lawler, Morhman & Ledford, 1992). Ledford's (1992) research focused on the attitudinal effects of

skill-based pay. He found that: (a) a majority of employees who had been involved with skill-based pay for at least a

year endorsed the concept and had favorable views of its administration and fairness, and (b) skill-based pay leads to

greater pay satisfaction and pay equity.

Jenkins, Ledford, Gupta, and Doty (1992) reported that:

1. Skill-based pay had been implemented primarily in manufacturing organizations where employees perform routine,

high-volume service jobs.

2. Three-fourths of the respondents in their study said the plan increased worker productivity, motivation, flexibility to

adapt to changing production needs, and work team effectiveness.

3. Enhanced recruitment and retention occurred while reducing labor costs. Recent research by Ledford, Lawler, and

Morhman (1995) found that skill-based pay was used more extensively in organizations that had made changes in

management philosophy and organization decision-making structures. For example, the use of skillbased pay is much

higher in firms that use self-managing teams than in nonusers (70% vs. 30%). This outcome illustrates the relationship

between skill-based pay and a power sharing practice such as self-managing work teams.

Public Sector Applications

Perry and Kraemer (1993, p. 241) suggest that, because of the changing technological nature of public work, skill-based

pay should be utilized "to reward the acquisition, modification, and development of individual competencies." They

contend that skill-based pay will motivate workers to acquire new skills and facilitate job redesign. Roberts (1994)

argues that skill-based pay is an essential tool in the "reinventing government" process at both the state and national level.

From her perspective, skillbased pay provides the monetary incentive for public employees to learn the skills necessary

for more efficient governmental administration. She also believes that skillbased pay enhances the development of

"learning" and high-performance public organizations. Shareef (1994a) outlines a detailed plan for implementing

skill-based pay in Gifted and Talented Educational Programs (public schools) and communitybased policing programs.

He also suggests that skill-based pay may actually be a trigger (instead of a lag) variable in cultural change processes.

Given the empirical outcomes associated with skill-based pay in private organizations, and given numerous calls for its

utilization by public administration theorists, it appears that this pay innovation is worthy of careful study. It appears that

skill-based pay can be used in public agencies where institutions can build "compensable skill blocks around the skills

needed to produce tangible products or deliver specific services" (Ledford, 1995, p. 55).

Determinants of Skill-Based Pay Implementation: Five Principles

Several fundamental principles form the basis for skill-based pay implementation in public organizations. These principles

are listed and described below.

Principle 1: Skill-based pay "fits" with participative, high involvement cultures, but not with bureaucratic cultures. The

concept of "fit" or congruency among various subsystems is an important one in the organizational design literature.

Galbraith (1973) and Nadler and Tushman (1980) have developed generic congruency models. Shareef's (1993,1994b)

subsystem congruence change process has specific implications for public organizations. Congruence models of

organizational change are concerned with "the system of elements that ultimately produce behavior patterns and, in turn,

organization performance" (Nadler & Tushman, 1980, p. 39). From this perspective, organizational subsystems

(including reward systems) must be aligned to "fit" with the desired future state of the enterprise.

Ledford (1989) argues that only organizations that either have, or are moving toward, a participative culture should adopt

skill-based pay. He states that the "cost of skill-based pay for all employees is justifiable only if it is an integral part of a

high involvement management system, which has the potential to offset the cost of increased wages per employee with

greater productivity and other performance advantages" (Ledford,1989, p. 7). Lawler (1986, 1990, 1992) agrees that

skill-based pay should be implemented only in participative cultures for this same reason. He writes that "much of the

flexibility inherent in skill-based pay behavior can be gained by simply having a significant number of individuals

cross-trained, as in the utility worker concept. Thus, often the advantages of skill-based pay must extend beyond simple

flexibility if it is going to offer a significant advantage over a traditional job-based approach to pay. When combined with

a high involvement approach to management and work teams, skill-based pay can produce benefits other than those that

stem from a flexible workforce" (Lawler, 1992, pp. 162163). A participative work culture also forms the basis for

Shareef's (1994a) call for skill-based pay implementation in law enforcement agencies (community policing) and public

school systems (site-based management) that are moving toward high involvement environments.

When properly implemented, employees are involved with every aspect of skill-based pay design and implementation.

This involvement gives greater understanding of the change and allows better understanding of the enterprise's desired

future state (Ledford, 1989). This type of employee participation is incongruent with bureaucratic cultures. Lawler

(1992) and Ledford (1989) found that skill-based pay reinforces the participative culture by fostering employee

self-management. Self-management also makes significant savings possible through a reduction in management levels and

support personnel. Additionally, worker input into the totality of the skillbased pay plan further reinforces the reality of a

shift from bureaucratic to high involvement work cultures.

Since much of the leadership literature suggests that leaders are the driving force for organizational change (Schein, 1983,

1985), it follows that leaders who are facilitating a cultural shift would be more receptive to skill-based pay. For instance,

Shareef (1994c) wrote that government institutions in the state of Virginia were not attuned with skill-based pay since

Governor George Allen is not committed to organizational cultural transformation. Conversely, skill-based pay is more

likely to succeed in federal agencies because of the Clinton administration's commitment to employee involvement (Gore,