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OO RUEHWEB

DE RUEHBU #0235/01 0571220

ZNY SSSSS ZZH

O 261220Z FEB 08

FM AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES

TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0322

RHEHAAA/NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE

INFO RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

RHMFISS/HQ USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL PRIORITY

RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

RUEATRS/DEPT OF TREASURY WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

RHMCSUU/FBI WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

RHMFISS/DEPT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY

S E C R E T BUENOS AIRES 000235

FOR P - U/S BURNS, WHA - A/S SHANNON, EEB A/S SULLIVAN

NSC FOR DAN FISK

TREASURY FOR A/S LOERY AND DAS O'NEILL

DOD FOR DASD STEPHEN JOHNSON

SOUTHCOM FOR ADM STAVRIDIS

FBI FOR TOM FUENTES

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/22/2028

TAGS: PREL CJAN KJUS EFIN SNAR MASS VZ AR

SUBJECT: ARGENTINA: GETTING PAST SQUARE ONE WITH THE

FERNANDEZ DE KIRCHNER GOVERNMENT

REF: A. BUENOS AIRES 124

B. BUENOS AIRES 172

C. BUENOS AIRES 178

D. BUENOS AIRES 188

E. BUENOS AIRES 216

F. BUENOS AIRES 225

Classified By: DCM Tom Kelly for reasons b, d.

1. (C) Summary: With a seven-week period of bilateral

estrangement in our rear-view window, we have an opportunity

-- again -- to build a more constructive relationship with

Argentina. The warming trend in the bilateral relationship

continues. President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner and her

government rolled out the red carpet for CODEL Engel and

PDDNI Kerr, and the circle of GOA luminaries making positive

statements about the United States is growing. Capitalizing

on this opportunity, however, will be no easy task.

Confidence must be rebuilt on our side and in Buenos Aires.

The GOA must demonstrate its commitment to a constructive

relationship, including through visits to the United States.

But concerted effort is also needed from our side, including

visits to Argentina by senior USG officials. The presence of

authoritative USG officials here, and the attendant positive

media coverage it creates, feed the Argentine need for

attention, directly attacking one of the main causes of

anti-Americanism here -- the perception that the USG does not

care enough about Argentina. The hard work will be worth the

effort if we can make a dent in anti-U.S. sentiment and

influence Argentina to stay out of the Bolivarian camp.

Making Argentina a more cooperative interlocutor and

receptive audience for U.S. ideas is achievable. End Summary.

An Austral Warming Trend

------

2. (C) Three weeks have passed since the GOA signaled an end

to its bilateral squabble with the USG via a highly

publicized meeting on January 31 betweQPresident Cristina

Fernandez de Kirchner (CFK) and Ambassador Wayne. (The U.S.

Ambassador is the only Chief of Mission who has been received

privately by CFK; she has now received him three times since

her inauguration.) The change in how the United States is

treated and portrayed by Argentine authorities is striking.

As we had agreed beforehand, CFK insiders followed the

January 31 session with positive and conciliatory statements

from Cabinet Chief Alberto Fernandez, Foreign Minister Jorge

Taiana, and others. From January 31 on, the Argentines have

given prominent positive public play to each event involving

a USG visitor, including the two (CODEL Engel and PDDNI) that

occurred in the last week.

3. (C) The chorus of anti-U.S. recriminations has fallen

silent. In their place, we are hearing positive

pronouncements about our country. On February 20, for

example, after a meeting between the Ambassador and Minister

of Defense Garre, a hold-over from the first Kirchner

administration who had previously resisted close cooperation

with the USG, the Defense Ministry issued an upbeat

communique on its website noting that "the Argentine side

expressed gratitude for American assistance." The statement

then proceeded to detail several areas of successful

bilateral cooperation that helped to train and transform

Argentina's military.

4. (C) In the wake of the meeting three weeks ago with CFK,

the Ambassador has had friendly and productive meetings with

Cabinet heavyweights such as Cabinet Chief Fernandez, MOD

Garre, Foreign Minister Taiana, Economy Minister Lousteau,

and Justice Minister Anibal Fernandez (reftels A-E).

5. (C) More importantly, CFK herself has demonstrated her

continuing personal interest in ties with the USG by hosting

two meetings in her presidential office at the Casa Rosada

with U.S. visitors in rapid succession: a positive,

well-covered session with CODEL Engel on February 21, and

PDDNI Kerr, who had a productive meeting with her on February

25. Privately, Rep. Engel described the CODEL's 90-minute

meeting with CFK as "a home-run." The meeting was covered

intensively by the media, which characterized the event as a

"Gesture of Detente" and "Improvement in Bilateral Relations"

in leading daily headlines. PDDNI Kerr's meeting was equally

positive. CFK warmly thanked him for his "important" visit,

and repeated several times her commitment to the struggle

against terrorism (saying, for example, that her government

was "strongly committed to fight terrorism at home and

internationally" and that her commitment to counter-terrorism

was "absolute").

Argentina Is In Play

------

6. (C) The about-face is striking, because it comes on the

heels of a coordinated GOA effort, with the Kirchners and

other GOA all-stars front and center, to impugn the motives

of the United States in the Miami prosecution of Venezuelan

agents connected to the matter of Guido Alejandro

Antonini-Wilson's cash-filled suitcase. But the rhetorical

course-correction is not surprising. CFK spent much of the

latter half of 2007 telegraphing her intention to pursue

closer relations with the United States, holding three

meetings with Ambassador Wayne and spending a week in New

York City wooing investors and the media, as well as meeting

A/S Shannon. Just days before her inauguration, in a meeting

with the Ambassador, CFK expressed her admiration for the

United States and her desire to improve the bilateral

relationship. Her Cabinet Chief Fernandez and new Ambassador

to the United States Timerman argue forcefully that she wants

to change past GOA practices and maintain good relations with

the USG.

7. (C) Clearly, there is still hard work to be done to build

mutual confidence and establish a basis for sustained "good"

relations. To maintain and reinforce the recent positive

momentum, we need more engagement, not less -- by both sides.

The GOA certainly needs to demonstrate its commitment to

this effort. But it is important to remember that we also

have much to gain if things go well.

8. (C) The foreign policy orientation of the fledgling CFK

government is very much in play. Moreover, in our view, the

prevailing winds in the region favor our efforts to help

Argentina evolve into a constructive partner. Hugo Chavez

(whom CFK will visit in early March to ink an oil-for-food

deal -- septel) is being portrayed in the local media as

increasingly on the defensive, and Fidel Castro's withdrawal

from the Cuban political scene is being covered here as the

end of a radical era. In contrast, neo-left politicians like

Lula (who just visited Buenos Aires to sign a number of

bilateral agreements) and Chile's Michelle Bachelet are

well-regarded here as pragmatic leaders who are making

progress on social justice while maintaining good relations

with Washington. We read the tea leaves to indicate that CFK

much prefers to follow Lula's path than Chavez's, and wants

to diversify Argentina's good relations in the world.

9. (C) At the same time, there are countervailing forces that

could push the new president in another direction.

Influential figures within her government, such as Planning

Minister Julio de Vido, espouse a close embrace of Chavez's

Bolivarian project. Although de Vido's primary motive for

tilting towards Chavez may be pecuniary, a Bolivarian

approach to foreign policy would sit well with CFK's poor and

working class political constituency, and probably appeal at

a certain level to the Peronist/populist instincts of CFK and

her husband. Nestor Kirchner himself was never as

comfortable with the United States as his wife has proven to

be. For example, he never received this Ambassador or

publicized contacts with us, whereas CFK has met the

Ambassador six times and played each meeting positively and

prominently in the media. While Nestor Kirchner is still a

powerful decision-maker, he is by most reports ceding foreign

policy to CFK.

10. (C) In our view, the government's left-leaning,

nationalistic heritage does not necessarily lead to chronic

confrontation with the United States. CFK seems more

interested in governance and the longevity of her family's

political prospects than in gratuitous Yankee-bashing.

Without U.S. engagement, however, our opportunity to develop

a more constructive relationship with Argentina could be

squandered. We need to stay on the field to win the game.

Why Visits Help Educate and Show Interest

------

11. (C) Engagement means, among other things, senior-level

visits in both directions. This is true for symbolic and

practical reasons. Like other geographically isolated

countries, Argentines keep track of who visits them and who

doesn't. The GOA's infatuation with the travel plans of

Assistant Secretary Shannon reflects a deep-seated,

society-wide insecurity about Argentina's relative importance

in the world. Argentines obsess over the perceived

indifference of other countries to their interests and

concerns, especially that of the United States. Visits to

the region by senior USG officials that seem to hopscotch

over Argentina are always noted in the press and the

corridors of power.

12. (C) CFK clearly shares this fixation. She told the

Ambassador late last year that she faults the USG for not

paying sufficient attention to Latin America (read:

Argentina) over the past few years, and repeated that

analysis to CODEL Engel on February 21 (ref F). This is not

new, or confined to CFK and her constituency. It is a widely

shared perception in Argentina that the United States has

only rarely sustained positive interest in the Southern Cone.

(At a recent lunch with prominent local analysts,

businesspersons, and media figures for PDDNI Kerr, this was a

recurrent theme -- and none of them were government

supporters.) High-level visits can be used to demonstrate

our good intentions and sincere desires for stronger

relations. For example, Secretary Chao's December visit to

CFK's inauguration helped us to rebut accusations of a U.S.

conspiracy against the GOA during the furor over the Miami

court case.

13. (C) Just as importantly, visits help GOA officials to

learn. CFK and her husband know little about the way that

our society and political system function. This holds true

for most of their closest advisors and the Argentine

political establishment writ large as well. The recent

bilateral crisis, for example, reminded us how few of them

(including those in the "pro-U.S." camp) really understand

the extent of our justice system's independence. To our

great advantage, Argentina is now headed by a President who

wants to learn more about our country -- evinced, for

instance, by the manner in which she pumps visitors for

information about the U.S. presidential race. (Though she

initially favored another woman candidate, it was clear by

February 21 that she had absorbed much about all three

leading candidates, and in both of her meetings with USG

visitors in recent days she made positive comments about all

three and about the vitality of our electoral process.)

Alberto Fernandez told the Ambassador that he recently

recommended that CFK accept Gordon Brown's invitation to

travel to London for a gathering of international political

party leaders precisely because it would be an excellent

opportunity for her to learn more about the global scene

through direct contact with other world leaders.

The Most Promising Areas of Focus

------

14. (C) On the practical level, despite this Mission's

renewed access to every level of the Argentine government,

there are a number of concrete policy areas in which

Washington-based agencies and their leaders need to engage,

including via the personal contact that visits make possible:

-- (C) Finance: Achievement of a closer economic

relationship, which CFK has told us she wants, will not

happen without a Paris Club deal to normalize the GOA's debt

to official creditors. That in turn will require Treasury's

engagement with CFK's capable young Economy Minister Martin

Lousteau. A Paris Club deal would be a critical first step

towards an economically resurgent Argentina's broader

reinsertion into global capital markets. This, in turn, will

lessen Argentina's reliance on Venezuela to help place new

Argentine debt, a reliance that comes with Bolivarian

political and ideological strings attached. It could also

help Lousteau, who is engaged in an internal tug-of-war with

less market-friendly forces on many issues critical to the

500 U.S. companies doing business here, establish his primacy

within the GOA on economic policy.

-- (C) Defense Cooperation: The Ministry of Defense is more

friendly to us now than it has been at any time since MOD

Garre took office two years ago. The Army chief, who

previously kept his distance from the United States, has

reached out to us for contact. Argentina's Navy and Air

Force are eager to work with us. To capitalize on this

attitudinal shift, we need high-profile U.S. military leaders

like Southcom Commander Stavridis (scheduled to visit in May)

to come to Argentina. His visit could help us bring the

military relationship to another level, advancing the ball on

issues like Argentine participation in exercises, exchanges,

and regional security cooperation. Such a visit could also

keep U.S. military suppliers in the race for important

contracts like 3-D radars. MOD U/S Forti told the Ambassador

last week that he hopes to get MOD Garre to the United States

in the months ahead.

-- (C) Law Enforcement and Intelligence: Cooperation in this

area was a bright spot in the bilateral relationship, even

during the most difficult periods of the first Kirchner

administration. The worrying freeze in cooperation that took

place during the period of estrangement is over, and our

cooperation is returning to normal. We need senior-level

visits, such as the planned trip by Deputy FBI Director

Pistole in May, to advance U.S. interests in intensified

counter-terrorism work, and to resume our valuable

partnership with the GOA to bring the Iranian-sponsored

perpetrators of the 1994 AMIA bombing to justice. We also