After a Series of Short Term and Long-Term Crises the Weimar Republic Was Unable to Cope
After a series of short term and long-term crises the Weimar Republic was unable to cope with the Great Depression. The brief periods of relative stability were only a façade for the chaos underneath the surface. The depression set the scene for what came to be the final event in the breaking down of the democratic system. It came at a time in which Germany had seemed to have renewed faith in the government system. In the 1928 elections extremist groups had not been supported, and although the government was a coalition it appeared to be relatively secure. Despite this there were a number of underlying problems; politically, socially and economically which further heightened the impact of the Great depression.
Before the great depression in 1929 there were a series of crises that undermined people’s faith in democracy. The long-term issues that helped in the collapse of the Weimar Republic included the political and economical issues of the 1920’s.
Politically Germany seemed to struggle to organise its government. Between 1924 and 1928, Germany had six different governments, highlighting its lack of political stability. Parties had separate priorities and the coalitions that were created found it difficult to agree on policies making them appear to be weak. The existence of extremist parties did not help the unstable nature of the democratic system either, as they often sought to turn people away from the republic, especially in times of crises. The Treaty of Versailles, like the coalitions, did little in the way to help the democratic government to achieve popularity. The diktat was humiliating for the German people and they often could not forgive the democratic government for signing it. In addition the revolution had ultimately changed the political system but it had failed to alter the social structure. This left many conservative elites in high positions of power that allowed them to undermined democracy.
These long-term political factors would eventually lead to what Richard Bessel would call the “hot house atmosphere of Weimar Germany”.
Like the political issues, the economic long-term issues circulated under the surface until the Great Depression. Economically Germany already had serious problems including the reparation payments of the Treaty of Versailles, the Ruhr crises and Hyperinflation of 1923. After the war, for the Republic to survive, a period of prosperity was needed which did not happen.
The Versailles was catastrophic for the country as they struggled with the repayments. When the Germans fell behind in their repayments, the French and the Belgians invaded the industrial Ruhr Valley which worsened Germanys economic situation. The economy went bankrupt and to compensate more bank notes were printed. This resulted in hyperinflation in 1923.
The disaster heavily impacted the daily life of the German people resulting in anger towards the moderate democratic parties that had been in power during the Ruhr crises. This reflected the 1925 presidential elections in which the representative of the right wing politics was elected.
Compared to previous years, 1924 to 1929 saw the Weimar Republic recover from many of the issues facing the government. Gustav Stresemann became a key role in the relative stability of the government. He solved the problem of the Ruhr crises and created policies that would end the hyperinflation. Because of his diplomatic skills, Germany also made significant international gains including the Dawes plan in 1924 and the Young plan in 1929, which reduced the reparation payments of the Treaty of Versailles. The loans from America saw the standard of living of the German people to begin to improve. The 1928 elections also demonstrate the way in which Germany was beginning to rebuild. The extremist parties gained little votes which suggested that there had been restored faith in democracy. However the prosperity was built on weak foundations, when the inflow of money from America came to a halt so did the rebuilding of the economy. By the end of 1929, the Germany was in trouble.
The onset of the depression in 1929, following the Wall Street crash had disastrous impacts on Germany. Before this point Germanys economy had already been suffering as highlighted in Stresemann statement that, “The economic position is only flourishing on the surface”. At the beginning of 1929 the unemployment rate was already almost 2.5 million, by 1930 it had reached over 5 million and numbers continued to increase. Lack of confidence in democracy became nation wide as it was blamed for the crisis and the huge unemployment rate.
Economic and social hardship sparked political instability, as there was a loss of confidence in the parliamentary system. The coalition became divided over relief payments for the unemployed and when the SPD suggested maintaining relief payments, the other parties rejected the proposal and the government became divided. The government fell on 27th of March 1930. As a result Hindenburg appointed Bruning as chancellor despite his political ineptitude. The German people saw the weakness and moved their votes to the extremist parties, highlighted in the 1930 election in which the Nazi’s gained 107 seats. The Nazi party saw the opportunity to attack the weakness and inefficiency of the government and started mass campaigns. People wanted a way out of the depression and Hitler began to look like a good way to do it.
After a series of wrong choices by the government and specific individuals, Papen and other conservatives saw the popularity of the Nazis and wanted to make use of it by manipulating Hitler. They underestimated Hitler’s ambitions and would come to regret the unnecessary appointment of Hitler as chancellor in January 1933. Democracy had failed. As the government was unable to find common grounds, the Reichstag was sidelined and the chancellor relied on the use of article 48 to govern Germany.
Even though the Great Depression did play a major role in the downfall of the Weimar Republic, it was not the only factor that contributed to its collapse. Knut Borchardt, a German scholar, argued, “even in the good years of relative stability, the country ad serious economic problems as a result when the Depression set in there was no hope for the survival of German democracy”. As difficulties increased and as unemployment reached its peak, the failure of the democratic system was inevitable. People opted to parties who offered to mend what the depression had done to society. Adolf Hitler promised to return people to employment, and build a greater Germany that would rise back into the ranks of the European Hierarchy. The political, social and economic instability that came with the depression was the trigger for the extreme movements and a major factor that carried the Nazis to power.
Army commander Von Seeckt saw the need to support Stresemann's policy of fulfilment so that Germany could gain stability and time to recover; but the Army tolerated rather than supported democracy. Generals had an inordinate influence on cabinet and, after 1925, on the President. In the late 1920s, generals like Groener and Schleicher were in a position to push for strong government and this helped to undermine democracy.
In 1926 Luther's government actually resigned over the issue of which flag German ships would fly, the old imperial flag or the new republican one. This indicates the continuing division in loyalties and the fragility of democracy. (Flags are a very emotive issue in any country!)
In 1926 a referendum on a proposal to redistribute the wealth of the old royal families was defeated. The proposal had been sponsored by the communists and supported by the Social Democrats (SDs). This, however, was enough to generate middle-class opposition. Once again, even in the good years, the following were demonstrated: clear divisions, a continuing attachment to the imperial past, very limited support for republican ideals and a tendency on the part of the middle class to side with the right wing whenever they felt threatened by the left.
Philosophers such as Oswald Spendler were anti-democratic and promoted an authoritarian, nationalist outlook.
The old right wing was never loyal to the republic, even when conditions were relatively good. As AJP Taylor says, the "national classes" saw in the republic "only the symbol of defeat".
Stresemann, the hero of the good years for democracy, was hardly a committed democrat. His policy of fulfilment was designed to give Germany a respite so that it could recover from the war. His ultimate intention was to undo the conditions of the Versailles Treaty and recover lost territory. He advised others to become "republicans of the head, not the heart".
There were considerable achievements in social policy:
-1. 1927 Provisional Work Hours Law: limited work hours or provided penalty rates for overtime
-1. 1927 Unemployment Insurance Act: national insurance for unemployed
-1. Pay increases for lower levels of the civil service.
These measures were popular with workers but helped to alienate business people, especially those in small businesses. To the middle class it seemed that workers were doing well out of democracy but their own position was being eroded. For big business it seemed that the unions were gaining too much power.
In the 1928 election moderate parties did well, with gains for the Social Democrats. However, they still needed to form a coalition government containing some right-wing ministers. Unfortunately, one of the first things this new government had to deal with again was the reparations question. The Young Plan was a further improvement on the Dawes Plan; but, because it required Germany to continue paying reparations for a long period, the right reacted against the signing of the agreement.
In 1929 Hugenberg, an industrialist and leader of the Nationalist Party, organised a National Committee, which included Hitler, to sponsor a referendum to oppose the signing of the Young Plan. Their proposed Law against the enslavement of the German people failed to pass through the Reichstag and the referendum was easily defeated. In the short term this seemed like a victory for democratic forces and Stresemann's moderate policy of fulfilment. At the same time, however, the National Committee brought Hitler to prominence. This was just before the Depression struck. The National Committee also set up a link between the old right and Hitler's new nationalists.
In early 1929 the Weimar Republic appeared to be relatively stable: in the previous elections extremist groups had not been supported, Muller led a broadly-based coalition, Stresemann's foreign policy had been successful, the standard of living was reasonable and Germans benefited from a good social welfare system.
In 1930 the last French occupying troops left the Rhineland as a result of Stresemann's diplomacy. According to AJP Taylor, these occupying troops had been a restraining influence on right-wing groups, who had some fear of foreign intervention if they tried to destroy democracy. With foreign troops off German soil, right-wing groups could now operate with much less tolerance for democracy. According to this view, the Depression was less important in bringing down democracy than the fact that right-wing groups had only ever been biding their time, waiting for an opportunity to destroy democracy.
From the time it was created, the Weimar republic was faced with a number of problems. Created in 1919 after a violent uprising resulting in a “revolution”, Germany became a democratic Republic. As an authoritarian country, the democratic government was a new concept that had to be understood by the people. Unfortunately it began with a humiliating peace settlement, which ultimately cast negative attitudes towards the government from the beginning.
The Treaty of Versailles was seen as humiliating by the German people. The diktat imposed was harsh but un-avoidable; the government knew the country was unable to renew war and saw no other choice but to sign the treaty. This caused a sense of injustice and resentment towards the democratic politicians who were labeled “the November criminals”. Many desired to return to an authoritarian rule which had given Germany power and prestige in the past.
Economically, the Versailles was catastrophic for the country as they struggled with the repayments. When the Germans fell behind in their second reparation payments in 1923 the French and the Belgians invaded the industrial Ruhr Valley with a force of 60,000 soldiers.
Because of the Treaty, the German government were not able to take military action, and so called for a policy of ‘passive resistance’. This however worsened matters for the government who agreed to pay the wages of those who had become unemployed. The economy was now bankrupt as government costs had risen to 700% and to compensate more bank notes were printed. This resulted in hyperinflation and the currency losing its value.
The disaster of hyperinflation, heavily impacted the daily life of the German people resulting in anger towards the moderate democratic parties that had been in power during the Ruhr crises. This reflected the 1925 presidential elections in which the representative of the right wing politics was elected. Between 1924 and 1928, Germany had six governments, highlighting the fact Germany had no real political stability.
Events like the Kapp Putsch further inforced the fact that democracy had limited support.
The revolution had ultimately changed the political system but it had failed to alter the social structure. This left many old, thinking conservatives high positions of power that allowed to undermined democracy.
The continuation of crises in Germany was heightened on October 24th 1929, the date that came to be know, the Wall Street Crash. The German economic recovery had heavily relied on loans. Once American Banks began demanding repayment of the loans they had given to Germany since 1924, the economy began to crumble; the artificial stability had collapsed.