University of Bucharest

UNIVERSITY OF BUCHAREST

DEPARTAMENT UNESCO CHAIR ON INTERCULTURAL

AND INTERRELIGIOUS EXCHANGE

Master of Intercultural Communication

Dissertation

WOMEN IN FIFTEENTH CENTURY ITALIAN CULTURE:

THE CORRELATIONS BETWEEN CULTURAL PERCEPTIONS, GENDER NORMS, AND THE FASHIONING OF FEMALE IDENTITY

Student: Catalina Marmureanu

Supervised by: Professor Sylvie Hauser-Borel

Bucharest,

February 2009

Contents

INTRODUCTION

An overview / 3

History, Culture, and Gender / 6

A MACRO STUDY: THE ELITE WOMAN

Ideological and Physical Restraints / 11

A MICRO STUDY: THE ELITE WOMAN

Idioms of Virtue and a Feminist Defense:

Isotta Nogarola / 22

The Rhetoric of Possibility: Laura Cereta / 39

CONCLUSION

Drawing Lines of Demarcation / 58

An Overview

The penetration of feminist theory in areas of study such as sociology and anthropology has advanced our collective understanding of gender politics, power relations and sexuality. The question of ‘woman’, in the context of these studies, has brought to light a greater understanding of her struggles, aspirations and triumphs, while simultaneously identifying value systems unique and of importance to her. Yet, in the process of recognizing and giving voice to history’s oppressed and subjugated sex, radical feminists have ironically, fashioned a romanticized and inaccurate depiction of women as heroines and socio-political entities all of their own, which did not necessarily nor accurately reflect social reality.

Contrasting this romanticized image, Marxist feminists have drawn parallels and laid claims to an understanding of ‘woman’ in relation to assets and income. As Joan Kelly-Gadol indicates, Marxist arguments trace “the roots of women as secondary status in history to economics inasmuch as women as a group have had a distinctive relation to production and property in almost all societies”.[1] Though methodically proven and a good explanation of woman’s disadvantage status, this conviction is also problematic on two accounts. First, it treats female consciousness in terms of social status, asserting a uniform plane of experience amongst women of the same class. This philosophy however fails to take into consideration the diverse range of experience class permitted, and other times restricted, thus being unable to account for all women, in ‘almost all societies’ and at all times. The demands and responsibilities of an endowed upper class widow, for example, would differ dramatically from those of an upper class mother, resulting in the formation of separate and conflicting perceptions of self and society.

Second, the Marxist approach to defining experience also lacks in its ability to scrutinize the exceptions. If wealth was the fundamental and decisive factor in determining whether or not a woman occupied a focal or a subordinate position in comparison to her male compatriots, then lets say, a prostitute in Renaissance Italy, according to this model, should have been characterized by a certain degree of financial freedom and personal independence, which unfortunately was not the case. Despite their ability and autonomy in managing financial matters, prostitutes were both marginalized and considered subordinate in status, not only in relation to men, but also in comparison to other women, due to their unchaste nature.

Drawing attention once again to the deficiency of the Marxist approach and of other such theories is the narrowed focus of study. By centring solely on the lack of, or the power of women, a very artificial and one-dimensional understanding of their experience is presented. Further as both Marxist and feminist schools of thought place the social experiences of women at opposite ends of the social spectrum, only extremities are offered. In other words women are only noticed in one of two contexts: the victim, who due to her meek nature and inability to challenge patriarchal structures remains subordinate, and the rebel, who’s exaggerated opposition to social norms results in a challenging existence and in social exclusion from her peers and society in general.

While understanding the root causes of these inequalities and the manners in which they were dealt with reveals a great deal about the lives and struggles of women in historiography, it is equally if not more important, I argue, to examine what enabled and perpetuated the secondary status of females from generation to generation. Examining the lives of fifteenth century Italian women, this essay will centre on their perception of self, as influenced by social norms and their engagement in the formation and fashioning of gender ideology. Were the roles society imposed on their gender really problematic for them, or are these only problematic because they are viewed from a modern day perspective? And, if they were problematic, to what extent were women able to refashion and renegotiate the roles that society constructed and imposed on them?

The fist part of this study recognizes the permeability of gender roles, and focuses solely on their social construction and social imposition. As gender roles were supported by both family and state, this section strives to depict how institutional forces entrenched behavioural propriety in the minds and actions of fifteenth century Italians, allowing the circulation and continual preservation of gender ideologies, while consequently constructing and perpetuating a hegemonic notion of female identity. While this section takes a macro approach in presenting the social status of women and in explaining the factors that sustained their inferior position, the second section changes in both scope and approach.

In the latter half of this work, though focus will still be imparted to the impact of gender roles upon the social status of the fifteenth century Italian woman, the woman’s perception of self will take precedent. In other words, a micro approach will be employed where focus will be positioned primarily of the lived experiences of Isotta Nogarola and Laura Cereta in order to demonstrate and determine the extent to which gender roles filtered into these women’s perception of self. This section seeks to answer whether or not these women were really able to divorce themselves and renounce the systems of behaviour that they had been socialized and programmed to follow and accept. This segment of research also examines the consequences that ensued once these women distanced themselves from the strictly defined behavioural modes assigned to their sex. The goal of this section is to demonstrate the extent to which gender roles governed the lives of these women. It is my conviction that the rapport between gender and femaleness in fifteenth century Italy, was so deeply entrenched in social attitudes and dispositions, that complete renunciation was next to impossible even for women, such as Isotta Nogarola and Laura Cereta, who committed their lives to practicing and preaching nonconformity.

Nonetheless, this section recognizes the cultural contributions made by these women. Comparing their letters, translations and arguments to those of their male contemporaries, comments are made on their distinctive thoughts, their socially opposing perceptions and the significance of these juxtapositions. Their cultural importance, particularly to the Humanist philosophy is without question allotted space, as each introduced notions that challenged the status quo, promoting the Humanist cause and arguing for the worth and rational capabilities of a woman’s mind and intellect.

Providing a background not only of the gender roles present in these women’s lives, but more importantly of the conditions that enabled and perpetuated these roles, the next section will provide contextual background, within which the lives, thoughts, and cultural participation of the quattrocento Italian woman can be better understood.

History, Culture, and Gender

The fifteenth century provided the Italian woman with a paradoxical milieu, where although she was theoretically encouraged to broaden her intellectual horizons, better her morality and culture her tastes, the social fabric in which she moved established such strict boundaries that intellectual development was made practically impossible to pursue.

In fact, the states’ close policing of public and private domains outlined the parameters within which woman’s identity and construction of self was to develop, while at the same time defining her place and the roles she was to abide. By establishing differences in gender – based on public space, decrees, marriage, and female nature – the state formed attitudes which conditioned the intellectual structures and institutions within which these women could operate, making the formation of personhood deeply imbedded in the respective attitudes gender conceded.

The state’s incessant need for domination and control in public matters can be traced from the socio-economic hardships facing Italian society during this period.

From within the dominion, the despotic rule and the seigneurial systems of the fourteenth century established relations and alliances amongst the states which brought five distinct powers to rule in Italy: Milan, Florence, Naples, Venice, and the papacy in Rome.[2] All strong holds presented dynamic and unique problems which disrupted the overall coherence of political rule, furthering turbulant sentiments throughout the land (see fig.1).

In Milan, great territorial gains resulted from the diplomatic and military incentives of Giangaleazzo Visconti’s rule, which brought much of northern Italy under his control. However, the latter part of the fourteenth century, particularly after his death, witnessed a disintegration in the political stronghold he had established and in the respectable reputation he had earned. Further to the east, Venice, and lower to the south, Florence, had also increased their wealth establishing and monopolizing trade routes in the Mediterranean. Along with commercial contacts, the development of a strong glass and cloth industry enabled these regions to create convoys to the Black Sea, Syria, Egypt, the North African coast, from Tangir to the Straits of Gibraltar, Marseilles, Aigues-Mortes, and Barcelona, placing much of the Adriatic under their control.[3] Such prominent financial positions however, came at a cost. Rivalries and the thirst for power between the mercenary leaders of Florence and Milan, resulted in the 1423 war, which lasted for twenty-two years.[4] Throughout this period Florence also involved Venice, its alley in the conflict, initiating a period of economic decline. This in addition to Florences’ financial and military support of Napels, which at the time batteled outside threats of domination, resulted in additional instability and the exacerbation of finances for the Florentian county.

The fifth power, the papacy, was also surrounded by several destabilizing circumstances. Rome, in the fifteenth century, was underdeveloped with no industry, and maintained little control over its territory. This lack of control resulted mainly from the landed nobility, which was more concerned with land acquisition than with the political welfare of the state. In addition, nepotism in papal elections and in the appointment of cardinals frequently changed the states’ diplomatic alignments, as each pope promoted to the cardinalate members of his own family or entourage, along with their respective state alliances and political agendas. The 1440s, when all of Italy found itself embroiled in warfare, exemplifies the sway of such alliances.[5]

Despite the general pacification granted by the peace of Lodi in 1454, Italy’s problems continued to persist. The territorial states, governed by princes and nobles such as the Medici family, continued to invest spectacular amounts of money in courtly culture, diverting funds from the land while simultaneously raising taxes and weakening Italy’s commercial position. Moreover, external tensions also translated in instability and in the need for consolidation. As the Turks overtook Constantinople in 1453, widespread fears of outside attacks and domination gained momentum.[6] The monopoly Italy had exercised over the Adriatic and Mediterranean trading routes had become a source of envy and an easy target not only amongst its territorial neighbours, but also amongst the Muslim and Mogul empires as well.

The kingdoms of France and Spain, both of which held titles and land within Italy, also proved problematic for the five princely states, as each kingdom had its private agenda that habitually and forcibly involved its host in diplomatically compromising situations. The Spanish launch of the Reconquista and the conquest of Granada, both of which were subsidized by the financially floundering powers of the papacy, are prime examples of such unsolicited involvement.

However in the midst of chaos and civil war, a philosophy of reform and unity arose, which offered what seemed to be the solution to reviving a drained economy and to combating outsider threats of invasion. Although political unity would not follow until a century later, the papal state displayed a concerted effort in creating a sense of unity in terms of sentiment, purpose, and peoples throughout the land. Uniform patterns of prayer and practice were instilled and attempts to rid the church of its inherent despotism were launched, starting with the return of popes from the Great Schism, the deposition of Avignon pope Benedict XIII, papal elections and the subsequent return of pope Martin the V to Rome.[7] Martin the V, laid the foundations of authoritarian papal rule whilst simultaneously transforming Rome into the capital of the Renaissance state.

Roads were paved and crumbling buildings replaced while the papacy, its institutions, and the patronage of the nobility, attracted new scholars and artists, not solely to Rome, but to the rest of flourishing nation as well. Religious customs and concepts gained impetus with the organization of preaching and the erection of cathedrals. At the same time, private and communally funded schools multiplied particularly in northern and central Italy, leading to scholastic revisions and to superior literacy abilities. Along side these schools, professional divisions in the field of medicine, law and administration also became fundamental to the rhetoric of a more enhanced and unified state. The meticulous attention to improvements and the instilment of new systems aimed at correction, unquestionably ameliorated Italy’s political and financial affairs. However, the appearance of these new programmes, professions, and intellectual currents of change, also proved to be problematic, as a strong lean towards the idealistic arose.

The belief that adherence to certain codes would revive and advance the social welfare and function of the state was also held to be true when the question of the state’s most basic frontiers- the individual and the family- were concerned. Male chivalric values were endorsed through patriarchal roles; the need to protect and provide for the family, much like ruling and protecting the land, were responsibilities allotted to what society deemed as the more capable sex. As the patriarch held ultimate authority, both woman and child, were practically one and the same under his command. Thus marriage, the conservation of honour amongst female relatives, and women’s physical presence in society, were under the jurisdiction of their fathers and husbands, as these issues could affect the welfare and solidity of the family unit. These guidelines then, established the capabilities, characteristics, and the behavioural codes each sex was to follow, giving rise to strict gender roles and more importantly laying out the parameters within in which the Italian woman was to be perceived and understood.